General John Burgoyne, who is presented in this play for the
first time [as far as I am aware] on the English stage, is not a
conventional stage soldier, but as faithful a portrait as it is
in the nature of stage portraits to be. His objection to profane
swearing is not borrowed from Mr. Gilbert's H. M. S. Pinafore: it
is taken from the Code of Instructions drawn up by himself for
his officers when he introduced Light Horse into the English
army. His opinion that English soldiers should be treated as
thinking beings was no doubt as unwelcome to the military
authorities of his time, when nothing was thought of ordering a
soldier a thousand lashes, as it will be to those modern victims
of the flagellation neurosis who are so anxious to revive that
discredited sport. His military reports are very clever as
criticisms, and are humane and enlightened within certain
aristocratic limits, best illustrated perhaps by his declaration,
which now sounds so curious, that he should blush to ask for
promotion on any other ground than that of family influence. As a
parliamentary candidate, Burgoyne took our common expression
"fighting an election" so very literally that he led his
supporters to the poll at Preston in 1768 with a loaded pistol in
each hand, and won the seat, though he was fined 1,000 pounds,
and denounced by Junius, for the pistols.
It is only within quite recent years that any general recognition
has become possible for the feeling that led Burgoyne, a
professed enemy of oppression in India and elsewhere, to accept
his American command when so many other officers threw up their
commissions rather than serve in a civil war against the
Colonies. His biographer De Fonblanque, writing in 1876,
evidently regarded his position as indefensible. Nowadays, it is
sufficient to say that Burgoyne was an Imperialist. He
sympathized with the colonists; but when they proposed as a
remedy the disruption of the Empire, he regarded that as a step
backward in civilization. As he put it to the House of Commons,
"while we remember that we are contending against brothers and
fellow subjects, we must also remember that we are contending in
this crisis for the fate of the British Empire." Eighty-four
years after his defeat, his republican conquerors themselves
engaged in a civil war for the integrity of their Union. In 1886
the Whigs who represented the anti-Burgoyne tradition of American
Independence in English politics, abandoned Gladstone and made
common cause with their political opponents in defence of the
Union between England and Ireland. Only the other day England
sent 200,000 men into the field south of the equator to fight out
the question whether South Africa should develop as a Federation
of British Colonies or as an independent Afrikander United
States. In all these cases the Unionists who were detached from
their parties were called renegades, as Burgoyne was. That, of
course, is only one of the unfortunate consequences of the fact
that mankind, being for the most part incapable of politics,
accepts vituperation as an easy and congenial substitute. Whether
Burgoyne or Washington, Lincoln or Davis, Gladstone or Bright,
Mr. Chamberlain or Mr. Leonard Courtney was in the right will
never be settled, because it will never be possible to prove that
the government of the victor has been better for mankind than the
government of the vanquished would have been. It is true that the
victors have no doubt on the point; but to the dramatist, that
certainty of theirs is only part of the human comedy. The
American Unionist is often a Separatist as to Ireland; the
English Unionist often sympathizes with the Polish Home Ruler;
and both English and American Unionists are apt to be
Disruptionists as regards that Imperial Ancient of Days, the
Empire of China. Both are Unionists concerning Canada, but with a
difference as to the precise application to it of the Monroe
doctrine. As for me, the dramatist, I smile, and lead the
conversation back to Burgoyne.
Burgoyne's surrender at Saratoga made him that occasionally
necessary part of our British system, a scapegoat. The
explanation of his defeat given in the play is founded on a
passage quoted by De Fonblanque from Fitzmaurice's Life of Lord
Shelburne, as follows: "Lord George Germain, having among other
peculiarities a particular dislike to be put out of his way on
any occasion, had arranged to call at his office on his way to
the country to sign the dispatches; but as those addressed to
Howe had not been faircopied, and he was not disposed to be
balked of his projected visit to Kent, they were not signed then
and were forgotten on his return home." These were the dispatches
instructing Sir William Howe, who was in New York, to effect a
junction at Albany with Burgoyne, who had marched from Boston for
that purpose. Burgoyne got as far as Saratoga, where, failing the
expected reinforcement, he was hopelessly outnumbered, and his
officers picked off, Boer fashion, by the American
farmer-sharpshooters. His own collar was pierced by a bullet. The
publicity of his defeat, however, was more than compensated at
home by the fact that Lord George's trip to Kent had not been
interfered with, and that nobody knew about the oversight of the
dispatch. The policy of the English Government and Court for the
next two years was simply concealment of Germain's neglect.
Burgoyne's demand for an inquiry was defeated in the House of
Commons by the court party; and when he at last obtained a
committee, the king got rid of it by a prorogation. When Burgoyne
realized what had happened about the instructions to Howe [the
scene in which I have represented him as learning it before
Saratoga is not historical: the truth did not dawn on him until
many months afterwards] the king actually took advantage of his
being a prisoner of war in England on parole, and ordered him to
return to America into captivity. Burgoyne immediately resigned
all his appointments; and this practically closed his military
career, though he was afterwards made Commander of the Forces in
Ireland for the purpose of banishing him from parliament.
The episode illustrates the curious perversion of the English
sense of honor when the privileges and prestige of the
aristocracy are at stake. Mr. Frank Harris said, after the
disastrous battle of Modder River, that the English, having lost
America a century ago because they preferred George III, were
quite prepared to lose South Africa to-day because they preferred
aristocratic commanders to successful ones. Horace Walpole, when
the parliamentary recess came at a critical period of the War of
Independence, said that the Lords could not be expected to lose
their pheasant shooting for the sake of America. In the working
class, which, like all classes, has its own official aristocracy,
there is the same reluctance to discredit an institution or to
"do a man out of his job." At bottom, of course, this apparently
shameless sacrifice of great public interests to petty personal
ones, is simply the preference of the ordinary man for the things
he can feel and understand to the things that are beyond his
capacity. It is stupidity, not dishonesty.
Burgoyne fell a victim to this stupidity in two ways. Not only
was he thrown over, in spite of his high character and
distinguished services, to screen a court favorite who had
actually been cashiered for cowardice and misconduct in the field
fifteen years before; but his peculiar critical temperament and
talent, artistic, satirical, rather histrionic, and his
fastidious delicacy of sentiment, his fine spirit and humanity,
were just the qualities to make him disliked by stupid people
because of their dread of ironic criticism. Long after his death,
Thackeray, who had an intense sense of human character, but was
typically stupid in valuing and interpreting it, instinctively
sneered at him and exulted in his defeat. That sneer represents
the common English attitude towards the Burgoyne type. Every
instance in which the critical genius is defeated, and the stupid
genius [for both temperaments have their genius] "muddles through
all right," is popular in England. But Burgoyne's failure was not
the work of his own temperament, but of the stupid temperament.
What man could do under the circumstances he did, and did
handsomely and loftily. He fell, and his ideal empire was
dismembered, not through his own misconduct, but because Sir
George Germain overestimated the importance of his Kentish
holiday, and underestimated the difficulty of conquering those
remote and inferior creatures, the colonists. And King George and
the rest of the nation agreed, on the whole, with Germain. It is
a significant point that in America, where Burgoyne was an enemy
and an invader, he was admired and praised. The climate there is
no doubt more favorable to intellectual vivacity.
I have described Burgoyne's temperament as rather histrionic; and
the reader will have observed that the Burgoyne of the Devil's
Disciple is a man who plays his part in life, and makes all its
points, in the manner of a born high comedian. If he had been
killed at Saratoga, with all his comedies unwritten, and his plan
for turning As You Like It into a Beggar's Opera unconceived, I
should still have painted the same picture of him on the strength
of his reply to the articles of capitulation proposed to him by
his American conqueror General Gates. Here they are:
1. General Burgoyne's army being reduced by repeated defeats, by
desertion, sickness, etc., their provisions exhausted, their
military horses, tents and baggage taken or destroyed, their
retreat cut off, and their camp invested, they can only be
allowed to surrender as prisoners of war.
3. The troops under his Excellency General Burgoyne will be
conducted by the most convenient route to New England,
marching by easy marches, and sufficiently provided for by the
way.
4. The officers will be admitted on parole and will be treated
with the liberality customary in such cases, so long as they,
by proper behaviour, continue to deserve it; but those who are
apprehended having broke their parole, as some British
officers have done, must expect to be close confined.
6. These terms being agreed to and signed, the troops under his
Excellency's, General Burgoyne's command, may be drawn up in
their encampments, where they will be ordered to ground their
arms, and may thereupon be marched to the river-side on their
way to Bennington.
6. This article is inadmissible in any extremity. Sooner than
this army will consent to ground their arms in their
encampments, they will rush on the enemy determined to take no
quarter.
And, later on, "If General Gates does not mean to recede from the
6th article, the treaty ends at once: the army will to a man
proceed to any act of desperation sooner than submit to that
article."
Here you have the man at his Burgoynest. Need I add that he had
his own way; and that when the actual ceremony of surrender came,
he would have played poor General Gates off the stage, had not
that commander risen to the occasion by handing him back his
sword.
In connection with the reference to Indians with scalping knives,
who, with the troops hired from Germany, made up about half
Burgoyne's force, I may mention that Burgoyne offered two of them
a reward to guide a Miss McCrea, betrothed to one of the English
officers, into the English lines.
The two braves quarrelled about the reward; and the more
sensitive of them, as a protest against the unfairness of the
other, tomahawked the young lady. The usual retaliations were
proposed under the popular titles of justice and so forth; but as
the tribe of the slayer would certainly have followed suit by a
massacre of whites on the Canadian frontier, Burgoyne was
compelled to forgive the crime, to the intense disgust of
indignant Christendom.
Brudenell is also a real person. At least an artillery chaplain
of that name distinguished himself at Saratoga by reading the
burial service over Major Fraser under fire, and by a quite
readable adventure, chronicled by Burgoyne, with Lady Harriet
Ackland. Lady Harriet's husband achieved the remarkable feat of
killing himself, instead of his adversary, in a duel. He
overbalanced himself in the heat of his swordsmanship, and fell
with his head against a pebble. Lady Harriet then married the
warrior chaplain, who, like Anthony Anderson in the play, seems
to have mistaken his natural profession.
The rest of the Devil's Disciple may have actually occurred, like
most stories invented by dramatists; but I cannot produce any
documents. Major Swindon's name is invented; but the man, of
course, is real. There are dozens of him extant to this day.