A BODY politic may be measured in two ways -- either by the extent of
its territory, or by the number of its people; and there is, between
these two measurements, a right relation which makes the State really
great. The men make the State, and the territory sustains the men; the
right relation therefore is that the land should suffice for the
maintenance of the inhabitants, and that there should be as many
inhabitants as the land can maintain. In this proportion lies the
maximum strength of a given number of people; for, if there is too much
land, it is troublesome to guard and inadequately cultivated, produces
more than is needed, and soon gives rise to wars of defence; if there is
not enough, the State depends on its neighbours for what it needs over
and above, and this soon gives rise to wars of offence. Every people, to
which its situation gives no choice save that between commerce and war,
is weak in itself: it depends on its neighbours, and on circumstances;
its existence can never be more than short and uncertain. It either
conquers others, and changes its situation, or it is conquered and
becomes nothing. Only insignificance or greatness can keep it free.
No fixed relation can be stated between the extent of territory and the
population that are adequate one to the other, both because of the
differences in the quality of land, in its fertility, in the nature of
its products, and in the influence of climate, and because of the
different tempers of those who inhabit it; for some in a fertile country
consume little, and others on an ungrateful soil much. The greater or
less fecundity of women, the conditions that are more or less favourable
in each country to the growth of population, and the influence the
legislator can hope to exercise by his institutions, must also be taken
into account. The legislator therefore should not go by what he sees,
but by what he foresees; he should stop not so much at the state in
which he actually finds the population, as at that to which it ought
naturally to attain. Lastly, there are countless cases in which the
particular local circumstances demand or allow the acquisition of a
greater territory than seems necessary. Thus, expansion will be great in
a mountainous country, where the natural products, i.e., woods and
pastures, need less labour, where we know from experience that women are
more fertile than in the plains, and where a great expanse of slope
affords only a small level tract that can be counted on for vegetation.
On the other hand, contraction is possible on the coast, even in lands
of rocks and nearly barren sands, because there fishing makes up to a
great extent for the lack of land-produce, because the inhabitants have
to congregate together more in order to repel pirates, and further
because it is easier to unburden the country of its superfluous
inhabitants by means of colonies.
To these conditions of law-giving must be added one other which, though
it cannot take the place of the rest, renders them all useless when it
is absent. This is the enjoyment of peace and plenty; for the moment at
which a State sets its house in order is, like the moment when a
battalion is forming up, that when its body is least capable of offering
resistance and easiest to destroy. A better resistance could be made at
a time of absolute disorganisation than at a moment of fermentation,
when each is occupied with his own position and not with the danger. If
war, famine, or sedition arises at this time of crisis, the State will
inevitably be overthrown.
Not that many governments have not been set up during such storms; but
in such cases these governments are themselves the State's destroyers.
Usurpers always bring about or select troublous times to get passed,
under cover of the public terror, destructive laws, which the people
would never adopt in cold blood. The moment chosen is one of the surest
means of distinguishing the work of the legislator from that of the
tyrant.
What people, then, is a fit subject for legislation? One which, already
bound by some unity of origin, interest, or convention, has never yet
felt the real yoke of law; one that has neither customs nor
superstitions deeply ingrained, one which stands in no fear of being
overwhelmed by sudden invasion; one which, without entering into its
neighbours' quarrels, can resist each of them single-handed, or get the
help of one to repel another; one in which every member may be known by
every other, and there is no need to lay on any man burdens too heavy
for a man to bear; one which can do without other peoples, and without
which all others can do;[15] one which is neither rich nor poor, but
self-sufficient; and, lastly, one which unites the consistency of an
ancient people with the docility of a new one. Legislation is made
difficult less by what it is necessary to build up than by what has to
be destroyed; and what makes success so rare is the impossibility of
finding natural simplicity together with social requirements. All these
conditions are indeed rarely found united, and therefore few States have
good constitutions.
There is still in Europe one country capable of being given laws --
Corsica. The valour and persistency with which that brave people has
regained and defended its liberty well deserves that some wise man
should teach it how to preserve what it has won. I have a feeling that
some day that little island will astonish Europe.