The following political year was a lively one for Hamilton, perhaps the
liveliest of his career. As it approached, those interested in public
affairs had many subjects for constant and excited discussion: the
possible Vice-President, whose election was to determine the future
status of the Secretary of State, and cement or weaken the centralized
powers of the Administration; the battle in the two Gazettes, with
the laurels to Hamilton, beyond all controversy, and humiliation for
Jefferson and Madison; the growing strength of the "Republican" party
under Madison's open and Jefferson's literary leadership; the probable
policy of the Administration toward the French Revolution, with
Jefferson hot with rank Democracy, and Hamilton hotter with contempt for
the ferocity of the Revolutionists; the next move of the Virginians did
Hamilton win the Vice-Presidency for the Administration party; and the
various policies of the Secretary of the Treasury and their results. At
coffee-houses, at public and private receptions, and in Mrs. Croix's
drawing-room, hardly another subject was broached.
"A fool could understand politics in these days," said Betsey, one
evening in December, with a sigh. "Not a word does one hear of clothes,
gossip, husbands, or babies. Mrs. Washington told me the day after she
returned that she had deliberately thought of nothing but butter and
patchwork during the entire recess, that her poor brain might be able to
stand the strain of the winter. Shall you have to work harder than
ever?"
"I do not know," replied Hamilton, and at that moment he did not. He was
correcting a French exercise of his son's, and feeling domestic and
happy. Jefferson and he had made no pretence at formal amiability this
season; they did not speak at all, but communicated on paper when the
business of their respective departments required an interchange of
opinion. He had vanquished his enemy in print, made him ridiculous in
the eyes of all who read the Gazettes. Moreover, Washington, disturbed
during the summer by the constant nagging of Jefferson and his agents,
respecting the "monarchical schemes" and "corrupt practices" of the
Secretary of the Treasury, had formulated the accusations and sent them
to Hamilton for refutation. The vindication, written without passion, as
cold, clear, consistent, and logical, as if dealing with an abstract
proposition, had convinced, and finally, all to whom it was shown; with
the exception of Jefferson, who had no intention of being convinced.
Hamilton was conscious that there was no vulnerable point in his public
armour. Of his private he was not so sure; Reynolds was in jail, for
attempting, in company with one Clingman, to suborn a witness to commit
perjury, and had appealed to him for aid. He had ignored him, determined
to submit to no further blackmail, be the consequences what they might.
But he was the last man to anticipate trouble, and on the whole he was
in the best of humours as the Christmas holidays approached, with his
boys home from their school on Staten Island, his little girl growing
lovelier and more accomplished, and his wife always charming and pretty;
in their rare hours of uninterrupted companionship, piquant and
diverting. He had gone out with her constantly since Congress assembled,
and had enjoyed the recreations of society after his summer of hard work
and angry passions. Everywhere he had a triumphal progress; men and
women jostled each other about him, eager for a word, a smile, making
him talk at length, whether he would or not. The confidence in him was
stronger than ever, but his enemies were the most powerful, collectively
and individually, that had ever arrayed against a public man: Jefferson,
Madison, and Monroe, with the South behind them; the Livingstons and the
Clinton faction in New York; Burr, with his smiling subterranean
industry; the growing menace of the Republican party. Pamphlets were
circulating in the States warning voters against all who supported the
Secretary of the Treasury. It was one man against odds of appalling
strength and resource; for by common consent both of friends and enemies
Hamilton was the Federal party. Did he fall, it must go; all blows were
aimed at him alone. Could any one man stand for ever an impregnable
fortress before such a battery? Many vowed that he would, for "he was
more than human," but others, as firm in their admiration, shrugged
their shoulders. The enemy were infuriated at the loss of the
Vice-Presidency, for again Hamilton had been vindicated and Adams
reflected. What would be their next move?
Betsey knew that her husband had enemies, but the fact gave her little
concern; she believed Hamilton to be a match for the allied forces of
darkness. She noticed when his hair was unpowdered that it was turning
gray and had quite lost its boyish brightness; here and there work and
care had drawn a line. But he was handsomer, if anything, and of the
scars on his spirit she knew nothing. In the peace and pleasant
distractions of his home his mercurial spirits leaped high above his
anxieties and enmities, and he was as gay and happy, as interested in
the manifold small interests of his family, as were he a private man of
fortune, without an ambition, an enemy, or a care. When most absorbed or
irritated he never victimized his household by moods or tempers, not
only because they were at his mercy, but because his nature
spontaneously gave as it received; his friends had his best always, his
enemies the very worst of which his intense passionate nature was
capable. Naturally his family adored him and studied his happiness.
Betsey continued her somewhat rambling remarks, "The only variety is the
French Revolution."
"By the way, Washington has had a distressing letter from Madame
Lafayette. She begs him to receive her boy--George Washington--and keep
him until the trouble is over. The Chief fears that in the present
temper of the public his reception of Lafayette's son would be given an
embarrassing significance, and yet it is impossible to refuse such a
request,--with Lafayette in an Austrian dungeon, his wife in daily
danger of prison or guillotine, and this boy, his only son, with no one
but a tutor to protect him. I offered at once to receive the child into
my family--subject, of course, to your approval. Should you object? It
would add to your cares--"
"I have no cares, sir. I shall be delighted; and he can talk French with
the children."
"I shall send him to Staten Island with Philip and Alex. Washington will
make him a liberal allowance for school and clothing. I confess I am
anxious to receive him, more than anxious to show that my old friendship
is undiminished. I fear to open every packet from Europe, lest I hear of
Lafayette's death. Fortunately, Morris was able to render some
assistance to Madame Lafayette. Morris is a source of sufficient worry
himself, for he is much too independent and bold for a foreign envoy in
the thick of mob rule, mad with blood."
"I hate to think of old friends in trouble," said Betsey, removing a
tear. "Poor Kitty Duer! I had another letter from her to-day. It is
pitiful to think of her and the poor little children, with nothing but
what Lady Sterling, who has so little, and Lady Mary can give them. Is
there no way of getting Colonel Duer out of Debtor's prison?"
"I've moved heaven and earth, but certain of his creditors are
inexorable. Still, I hope to have him out and on his feet before long.
You are not to worry about other people this evening, for I am
particularly happy. Philip is really remarkable, and I believe that
Angelica is going to turn out a musical genius. What a delight it is to
have one person in the world to whom one can brag about one's offspring
without apology."
"Why, of course they are the most remarkable children in the world--all
five of them," said Betsey, placidly.
Edward Stevens came in and threw himself on the sofa. "What a relief to
come into this scene of domestic tranquillity, after the row outside!"
he exclaimed. "All the world is in the streets; that is to say, all the
daft American world that sympathizes with that bloody horror in France.
The news that the allied armies have been beaten and the Duke of
Brunswick was in full retreat when the packets sailed, has apparently
driven them frantic with joy. They are yelling 'Ca ira,' bonfires are
flaring everywhere, and bells ringing. All of the men are drunk, and
some of the women. And yet the statesman who must grapple with this
portentous problem is gossiping with his wife, and looking as if he had
not a care in the world. Thank Heaven!"
"I can do nothing to-night," said Hamilton, smiling. "I have had too
much experience as a practical philosopher not to be happy while I can."
"You have the gift of eternal youth. What shall you do in this French
matter, Alexander the Great? All the world is waiting to know. I should
worry about you if I had time in this reeking town, where it is a wonder
any man has health in him. Oh, for the cane-fields of St. Croix! But
tell me, what is the policy to be--strict neutrality? Of course the
President will agree with you; but fancy Jefferson, on his other side,
burning with approval for the very excesses of the Revolution, since
they typify democracy exultant. And of course he is burrowing in the
dark to increase his Republican party and inspire it with his fanatical
enthusiasm for those inhuman wretches in France. I believe he would
plunge us into a war to-morrow."
"No, he is an unwarlike creature. He would like to trim, keep this
country from being actually bespattered with blood, but coax the
Administration to give the Revolutionists money and moral support. He
will do nothing of the sort, however. The policy of this remote country
is absolute, uncompromising, neutrality. Let Europe keep her hands off
this continent, and we will let her have her own way across the water.
The United States is the nucleus of a great nation that will spread
indefinitely, and any further Europeanizing of our continent would be a
menace which we can best avoid by observing from the beginning a
strictly defensive policy. To weaken it by an aggressive inroad into
European politics would be the folly of schoolboys not fit to conduct a
nation. We must have the Floridas and Louisiana as soon as possible. I
have been urging the matter upon Washington's attention for three years.
Spain is a constant source of annoyance, and the sooner we get her off
the continent the better--and before Great Britain sends her. We need
the Mississippi for navigation and must possess the territories that are
the key to it. How idiotic, therefore, to antagonize any old-world
power!"
"Youare long-headed!" exclaimed Stevens. "Good heavens! Listen to
that! The very lungs of Philadelphia are bellowing. Our people must be
mad to see in this hideous French Revolution any resemblance to their
own dignified and orderly struggle for freedom."
"It is so easy to drive men mad," said Hamilton, contemptuously.
"Particularly when they are in constant and bitter opposition to the
party in power, and possess a leader as subtle and venomous as Thomas
Jefferson--'Thomas,' as he signed a letter to Washington the other day.
You may imagine the disgust of the Chief."
"Not another word of politics this night!" exclaimed Mrs. Hamilton. "I
have not uttered a word for just twenty-five minutes. Alexander, go and
brew a beaker of negus."